By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
By Sahar Aziz | February 27, 2013 | The Huffington Post| [Original Article]
Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
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Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
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Over the past few years, federal officials have expressed concerns about a perceived increase in a "Islamist homegrown terrorist" threat. High-profile cases involving "lone wolves" accused of terrorist plots on U.S. soil coupled with public perceptions of Muslims as prone to terrorism have triggered a flurry of congressional hearings and executive reports recommending more aggressive counterterrorism enforcement focused on Muslim communities. Meanwhile, critics of "hard" counterterrorism tactics propose increasing community outreach to Muslim communities, through community policing in particular, as the solution to homegrown terrorism. As a consequence, community policing has become popular both among policy makers seeking to be more preventive in counterterrorism and Muslim community leaders concerned with protecting the civil liberties of their constituents.
But community policing in counterterrorism as currently envisioned betrays its rhetoric of empowerment and mutual trust, and serves as another tool in the federal government's toolkit that perpetuates the "terrorist other" stereotype. Until this stereotype can be stripped away from "hard on terror" preventive counterterrorism strategies, the benefits gained in the traditional local community policing model of the 1990s are unlikely to be realized. And Muslim communities have the most to lose.
In contrast to traditional community policing where citizens seek the protection of local law enforcement from third-party drug dealers, gangsters, and other criminal elements, Muslim communities engage with federal law enforcement to dissuade them from spying on their mosques and social gatherings, targeting their vulnerable youth in informant-led terrorist plots, prosecuting their charities for giving humanitarian aid to conflict zones, and adopting invidious counterterrorism tactics that destroy community bonds. And as they beseech their government to respect their civil liberties, Muslims must also seek the protection of law enforcement against private acts of violence and discrimination. For many Muslims, the government may come across as more a foe than a friend. [Read More...]
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/admin/people/broadcasting/templates [class] => \vc\ms\contact\admin\VisualTemplateAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [messageClickIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/broadcasting/messages [class] => \vc\ms\contact\admin\MessageClickAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [targetAudienceIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/people/groups/target_audiences [class] => \vc\ms\campaign\admin\TargetAudienceAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [myUserListIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/people/groups/my_contacts [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\UserAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [eventCallIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/broadcasting/call_center [class] => \vc\ms\site\admin\CallLogAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [eventAttendeesIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/events/attendees [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\EventAttendeesAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [callLogIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/events/calls [class] => \vc\ms\site\admin\CallLogAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [eventCustomersIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/events/orders [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\EventCustomersAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [surveyPetitionIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/survey/documents [class] => vc\ms\system\admin\SurveyPetitionAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [survey1Intranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/content/survey/forms [class] => \vc\ms\system\admin\SurveyAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [content] => W ) ) [civilRightsIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/civil_rights/incidents [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\CivilRightsAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [speakerRequestIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/requests/speakers [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\SpeakerRequestAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [userBoardIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/people/groups/board_members [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\UserBoardAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [userStaffIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/people/groups/staff_members [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\UserStaffAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [eventRequesterIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/requests/Events [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\EventRequesterAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [people] => W ) ) [pledgesLostIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/pledges/lost [class] => \vc\ms\virtuecenter\admin\PledgesLostAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [pledgesOpenIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/pledges/open [class] => \vc\ms\virtuecenter\admin\PledgesOpenAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [pledgesReceivedIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/pledges/received [class] => \vc\ms\virtuecenter\admin\PledgesReceivedAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [sponsorLevelsIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/content/sponsor/levels [class] => \vc\ms\funding\admin\SponsorLevelsAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [data] => W ) ) [sponsorsIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/financial/sponsors [class] => \vc\ms\funding\admin\SponsorAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [data] => W ) ) [muslimCapitalDayIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/events/muslim_capital_day [class] => \cairlib\library2\admin\MuslimCapitalDayAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) [mediaBiasIntranet] => Array ( [url] => /admin/reports/media_bias/media_bias_reports [class] => \vc\ms\users\admin\MediaBiasAdmin [roles] => Array ( [superadmin] => W [admin] => W [reports] => W ) ) ) [1] => blogFindOne ) [1] => Array ( ) ) ) ) [request] => Array ( ) [session] => Array ( [uniqueviewer] => 1 ) [server] => Array ( [USER] => webuser [HOME] => /home/webuser [FCGI_ROLE] => RESPONDER [SCRIPT_FILENAME] => /home/webuser/webroots/cairfl/website/vc/pf/php/FrontController.php [QUERY_STRING] => [REQUEST_METHOD] => GET [CONTENT_TYPE] => [CONTENT_LENGTH] => [SCRIPT_NAME] => /blog/sahar_aziz_paradoxes_of_community_policing_in_counterterrorism.html [REQUEST_URI] => /blog/sahar_aziz_paradoxes_of_community_policing_in_counterterrorism.html [DOCUMENT_URI] => /vc/pf/php/FrontController.php [DOCUMENT_ROOT] => /home/webuser/webroots/cairfl/website [SERVER_PROTOCOL] => HTTP/1.0 [GATEWAY_INTERFACE] => CGI/1.1 [SERVER_SOFTWARE] => nginx/1.2.3 [REMOTE_ADDR] => 54.234.42.16 [REMOTE_PORT] => 52332 [SERVER_ADDR] => 216.157.108.37 [SERVER_PORT] => 80 [SERVER_NAME] => fl.cair.com [REDIRECT_STATUS] => 200 [HTTP_HOST] => www.cairflorida.org [HTTP_ACCEPT_ENCODING] => x-gzip, gzip, deflate [HTTP_USER_AGENT] => CCBot/2.0 [HTTP_ACCEPT_LANGUAGE] => en-us,en-gb,en;q=0.7,*;q=0.3 [HTTP_ACCEPT] => text/html,application/xhtml+xml,application/xml;q=0.9,*/*;q=0.8 [PHP_SELF] => /blog/sahar_aziz_paradoxes_of_community_policing_in_counterterrorism.html [REQUEST_TIME_FLOAT] => 1368922541.4587 [REQUEST_TIME] => 1368922541 [vcdc] => Array ( [blog] => 1 ) ) )